A woman taking on the mighty Vajpayee captured the imagination and narrative of the nation in 2004 but all this has changed now for the Congress
The release of the manifesto or ‘Nyay Patra’ ended in hope and optimism for the Congress — a note sounded by Rahul Gandhi who said: “Don’t forget 2004 when India was shining. Everyone doubted whether BJP under Vajpayee could be defeated.” Applauding the loudest was Sonia Gandhi, the architect of the 2004 win.
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But will 2024 be as easy for the party? It’s not only the Narendra Modi factor but also the perception being built that Congress is weakening and a few people run its affairs.
The seating and the interactions exchanged were a giveaway to the turmoil within the Congress. On stage was clearly the power centre — Congress president Mallikarjun Kharge flanked by Sonia Gandhi, Rahul Gandhi and KC Venugopal. It’s these people who call the shots and take key decisions. In fact, slogans of ‘Rahul bhaiya zindabad, aap sangharsh karo hum aapke saath hain [Victory to Rahul Gandhi, we are with you].”
Rahul’s ‘sangharsh’ reflects in the manifesto that talks of caste census and the right to work. But more than that, there is a promise that a Congress-led government will bring a new law for immediate disqualification in case of defections, make bail more than jail the norm, review electoral bonds, ensure an independent judiciary as well as ED and CBI.
Rahul Gandhi’s Yatra has been about “freeing India”. In 2004, Sonia Gandhi’s pitch was about pricking a hole in a Vajpayee’s ‘Shining India’. It worked and ‘Congress ka Haath Aam Aadmi ke Saath’ was a winner slogan. But the Congress was stronger then. A woman taking on the mighty Vajpayee captured the imagination and narrative. Allies were in awe of Congress. All this has changed now.
The fact that the Congress has proposed that it would make changes in the tenth Schedule to bring immediate disqualification of defectors shows that no matter what it says, it’s shaken by the exodus which makes the party look like a sinking ship — a far cry from the Congress of 2004.
Next is the caste census stress. The Congress wants to remove the 50 per cent cap on reservation and increase it for Dalits and OBCs. When Rahul Gandhi came into politics, he wanted to usher in a fresh air and promote inclusive politics where everyone would be given a chance and, like his father, merit more than lineage or caste would matter.
Many who have left the Congress or are in it cannot fathom why a party which is battling BJP is stressing on inclusive development and why a modern, liberal leader like Rahul Gandhi, who is calling the shots, is “going back in time”.
The new pitch made by him and Kharge was that there was no level-playing field. Citing EVMs, electoral bonds and income tax troubles, the Congress, however, is unable to enthuse its own cadre with these issues. In the end, elections are won and lost due the ‘karyakartas’. PM Narendra Modi knows this very well. Facing an apprehension of workers becoming smug and complacent about a ‘sure win’, the prime minister set the ‘400 Paar’ target and addressed workers frequently. This also shows that the BJP understands the power of workers while, in the Congress, many complain of the inaccessibility of netas.
Now, with the BJP and PM Modi raising the robust aggressive stand against terrorists with the “Ghar Mein Ghus ke Maarenge” narrative, once again the post-Pulwama slogan of 2019 has been brought to the centre stage. How will Congress counter this? Will the promise of a similar aggressive slogan against China, which is now included in its manifesto, match this narrative?
June 4 is when the answers will come but it is no secret that the edge the Congress had in 2004 is clearly missing now.
